The OBCs are scattered and leaderless

The political parties in Maharashtra are clearly divided on reservation policies for Other Backward Castes (OBCs). But when it comes wooing the OBCs — the biggest vote bank in the state — nobody from Congress, NCP, Shiv Sena or BJP appears lagging behind in devising strategies to capture their attention. Yet, unlike the Dalits and minorities who have asserted themselves, the OBCs are scattered and leaderless.

It is important to note that the OBCs, who constitute the biggest population share in Maharashtra, have never voted en block for any particular political party or leader. The conglomeration of over 300 castes and sub-castes, which together constitute OBCs in Maharashtra, could never come under one umbrella to work for a common purpose or definite ideological leanings. Not surprisingly, in the last 47 years ever since the formation of the state of Maharashtra, no political party has ever claimed or banked totally on the OBCs.

Chhagan Bhujbal’s decision to establish the Samata Parishad was primarily to reaffirm his identity as the undisputed leader of the Other Backward Castes (OBCs) in Maharashtra. The senior Nationalist Congress Party leader, who is also the cabinet Public Works Department (PWD) minister, has spread his net wide to garner support from OBCs in other Indian states.

This move is part of his endeavour to consolidate his position as the national OBCs leader and has been networking with leaders in Bihar, Andhra Pradesh and Uttar Pradesh. Whether he succeeds or not remains to be seen. But it is clear that Bhujbal has become the OBCs voice within the Democratic Front  government, as well as in state politics. His was the lone organisation which demanded reservation in educational institutions.

Also, in the last decade, there have been concerted efforts by Bharip Bahujan Mahasang president Prakash Ambedkar to bring all backward castes, including Dalits, tribals and OBCs, on a common political platform. But serious differences and ego clashes among leaders have often proved detrimental. Not surprisingly then, there are nine factions within the Republican Party of India (RPI) fighting each other and vying for backward caste votes, thus dividing the people and creating confusion and unrest within the cadre across Maharashtra.

However, the significance of OBCs in Maharashtra politics has gained grounds after the Mandal Commission report came out when major political parties considered them to be the biggest vote bank. Prominent OBCs leaders have always cited their total population at 52 per cent so as to have a strong bargaining chip.

Surprisingly, despite the anti-reservation policy, the local permutations and combinations saw the Shiv Sena enjoying the support of a sizeable number of OBC constituents in successive assembly and Lok Sabha elections in the last four decades. BJP leaders had to make conscious strategy to win over the OBCs to consolidate their vote bank in the state. The Congress always banked upon its traditional time-tested combination of Marathas, Dalits and minorities.

Although the Shiv Sena has benefited from OBC support, ideologically is does not approve of the reservation policy.

Shiv Sena chief Bal Thackeray has said, “The reservation policy will promote casteism in country.” At the national level, the BJP too is against reservation policies. However, in the 1980s the Maharashtra unit of the BJP had supported the Mandal Commission. Unlike others who protested against the report, the state BJP saw it as a part of larger social reforms to uplift the backward and oppressed classes in society.