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PM Heblikar: 25 years on, the Indo-Lanka Accord has some silver linings

The next few weeks may see the LTTE controversy reach the UNSC or make headlines at the time of the General Assembly session ... India’s position will be observed with considerable interest.

PM Heblikar: 25 years on, the Indo-Lanka Accord has some silver linings

The Indo-Sri Lanka Accord signed on July 29, 1987 will soon enter its twenty-fifth year. It still remains the best example of an earnest attempt by both sides to provide a durable political solution to the ethnic issue and underscores the importance of mutual security interests.

This document has survived sabotage by the LTTE, faced opposition by several Sinhala chauvinist groups such as the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and reluctance of the ruling dispensations, at different periods of time, to give effect to those provisions having political and constitutional validity.

Former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe made the best attempt in 2001 to come to political terms with the LTTE by brokering a ceasefire, with a safety net provided by India, Japan, Norway and several other countries. While the ceasefire failed due to many reasons, it significantly caused the beginning of the end of the LTTE.

President Rajapaksa took the military option and eventually routed the LTTE in May 2009. The circumstances of the military defeat of the LTTE are mired in controversy, and Sri Lanka faces an uphill task to provide a credible defence to clear its alleged involvement in the ghastly death of LTTE combatants and Tamil civilians.

The predilections surrounding the reluctance of the present government to move forward on the devolution of powers to the provinces have not been fully spelt out. The problem is with the interpretation of the 13th amendment of Sri Lanka’s Constitution, especially its unitary character. A wider and purposeful debate on it within and outside the Sri Lankan Parliament is warranted, taking into account the vastly changed socio-political environment.

India’s participation in it is worthwhile. There are many views on the subject, eminent Constitutional experts and political observers assess that the overseas Tamil diaspora and the Southern Sinhala Buddhist society are major stumbling blocks in any meaningful dialogue on the 13th amendment.

Further, the existing leadership of the Tamil community, especially the law makers, suffer from a serious trust deficit and identity crisis among their people, particularly the TNA’s association with the LTTE. While Prabhakaran created a leadership vacuum in the Tamil community by eliminating important and influential leaders, thinkers and academics, successive governments made no attempts to prevent the situation from getting out of hand.

Who is to articulate the Tamil aspirations at the national platform is the moot question. The need of the hour therefore is for the emergence of a Tamil leader from the Jaffna peninsula capable of articulating people’s aspirations in a credible manner. Karuna has emerged as the Tamil spokesman of the Eastern Tamils.

Colombo must take this crucial factor into account. If one is to discuss the issue threadbare, a congenial environment is the need of the hour.

It is expected that the forthcoming few weeks will witness developments that may cause the LTTE controversy to reach the UNSC or make headlines at the time of the General Assembly session. Sri Lanka has reached out to Russia and China in this connection with reports indicating that the US and the UK are taking a strident stance, as witnessed by the statements from Washington and London.

Sri Lanka has so far failed to provide a credible clarification, thus weakening its position on the international front and providing ammunition to its detractors.

India’s position will be observed with considerable interest. Media reports emanating from Colombo and in the public domain have cast a shadow on the bilateral relations between Delhi and Colombo. They seem to doubt the efficacy of Delhi’s influence in Colombo.

For New Delhi, it may be worthwhile to examine the efficacy of the provisions of the Indo-Lanka Accord signed in 1987. In critical cases, Sri Lanka side observed the provisions of the accord more in breach than in practice and to its own peril. India’s sacrifice in ensuring the territorial integrity and development of Sri Lanka is a testament to its friendship with Colombo.

Sri Lanka, especially the southern Buddhist society needs to appreciate this more than anybody else. India now needs an out of the box solution to its Sri Lanka policy, especially with a high profile visit by Prime Minister Manmohan Singh to Colombo on the anvil. It is time to celebrate the Indo-Sri Lanka Peace Accord in its true sense and not leave it on the sidelines of bilateral relations.

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