Pranab in Pakistan: open but firm

Just a day before Pranab Mukherjee left for Islamabad, America’s intelligence czar John Negroponte made scathing comments about Pakistan’s role in promoting global terrorism and religious extremism. He asserted: “The Taliban and Al Qaeda maintain critical sanctuaries” in Pakistan, while stressing the importance of “eliminating the safe haven that the Taliban and other extremists have found in Pakistan’s tribal areas.” He added: “New Delhi’s concerns about Pakistan’s tolerance of terrorist attacks on Indian soil risk derailing rapprochement. An attack on a high profile target might lead New Delhi to take action to curtail militant capabilities in Pakistan or Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir and punish Islamabad for its continued support to Pakistan-based militants.”

Mukherjee’s Islamabad visit took place at a time the US and its NATO allies are getting restive at the continuing support that Pakistan is providing to the Taliban to attack NATO and Afghan government forces in southern Afghanistan. There is also uncertainty in Pakistan about presidential and parliamentary elections scheduled to be held in the next year. General Musharraf wants to get himself reelected by the outgoing legislature and have the constitution amended, so he can continue as army chief. But, with the Alliance of Islamic parties (MMA) sharply divided and indications that Benazir Bhutto’s Pakistan Peoples’ Party is set to perform well in any free and fair elections, Musharraf has not been able to fashion a political alliance that would fulfill his political needs, even with help from the ISI.

Given these developments, Musharraf has an obvious interest in seeing that relations with India do not get out of hand and that support for cross-border terrorism in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) and elsewhere is at levels that keep India concerned, but not enraged.

New Delhi bungled badly by proclaiming that Mukherjee was going to Islamabad primarily to invite Musharraf for the forthcoming SAARC summit, knowing well that SAARC summits are normally attended by Pakistan’s prime minister and not its president. India received a diplomatic snub when it was advised of this fact, forcing PM Manmohan Singh to address the invitation to the powerless prime minister of Pakistan, Shaukat Aziz. This diplomatic faux pas apart, Mukherjee’s visit to Pakistan was a successful one. Mercifully, unlike some of his predecessors, Mukherjee does not make grandiose or controversial statements. But, in private discussions, he was able to convey India’s concerns on cross-border terrorism and also make it clear that while steady and measured progress in the relationship was possible, one should not expect any dramatic ‘breakthrough’.

Musharraf’s proposals for ‘demilitarisation’, ‘self-governance’ and ‘joint management’ in Jammu and Kashmir figured in the talks. But India’s position appears to have been spelt out clearly in ‘back channel’ contacts. There should be no objection to discussing issues of ‘self-governance’ in J&K, provided Pakistan grants equivalent autonomy on its side of the Line of Control, both in Pakistan-Occupied Kashmir and in the northern areas of Gilgit and Baltistan. Similarly, India has no problem with ‘joint management’ or ‘joint mechanisms’ including representatives from both sides of the LOC in J&K  to discuss issues of common concern in the state, like tourism, health, education, environment, commerce, trade and disaster management. India has also indicated that it could reduce its forces in J&K if Pakistan irrevocably dismantles its infrastructure of terrorism that Negroponte alluded to.

It was only appropriate that Mukherjee discussed issues of common interest with the leaders of virtually all important political parties in Pakistan’s parliament. What is particularly heartening is the candour with which he advised Pakistan’s senior politicians that India would not agree to any changes in existing boundaries and that it would be unrealistic to expect dramatic breakthroughs regarding J&K. This was a rebuttal of constant Pakistani demands that Kashmir be resolved in a ‘fixed time frame’. He also said the way forward lay in economic cooperation, as in Europe, rather than their sticking to the demand that there can be no normal trade and economic cooperation with India till the Kashmir issue is resolved to their satisfaction.

It was particularly heartening that Mukherjee persuaded Musharraf to agree to permit the families of defence officers believed to be in Pakistani custody since 1971, to visit Pakistan. This is the least we can do for those who made the ultimate sacrifice.

The writer is former Indian ambassador to Pakistan.