Crimson rebellion

Fifty years after Tibet’s spiritual and political leader Dalai Lama fled to India following a failed uprising against Chinese rule, there are increasing signs that a restive Tibetan diaspora is looking beyond the ageing leader’s time with plans to step up its campaign for independence. 

Tibetan sources told DNA that an international conference on Tibetan ‘rangzen’ (independence) will be convened soon to seize the initiative from the “fruitless” ‘Middle Way’ approach favoured by the Dalai Lama and his Dharamsala-based Tibetan Government-in-Exile (TGiE).

The Dalai Lama remains the supreme leader of the Tibetan community, both in Tibet and in exile; but even he has in recent months acknowledged that his conciliatory ‘Middle Way’ approach, which pitches for “genuine autonomy” for Tibet within China (not independence), has failed owing to Chinese intransigence.

The 73-year-old leader has frequently hinted at “retirement” and offered to leave decisions on the Tibetan movement’s future – and even the question of whether he is to be reincarnated – to the Tibetan community.
China claims historical sovereignty over Tibet, and despite international criticism of its ongoing crackdown in Tibet following last year’s uprising against Chinese rule, has refused to make any concessions to Tibetan sentiments.

Communist Party authorities have in recent years escalated religious persecution of monks and laity, forbidden them from worshipping the Dalai Lama, subjected them to ‘patriotic education’ campaigns, and, absurdly, introduced regulations that require monks’ reincarnations to have party leaders’ approval!

Tibetans in Tibet and in exile are preparing for more protests ahead of March 10, which marks the 50th anniversary of the 1959 uprising and the Dalai Lama’s flight into exile in India.

An escalation of the campaign for Tibetan independence would signal an undermining of the TGiE’s political influence, reflecting the increasing radicalisation of the Tibetan diaspora. “Tibetans are questioning the ‘Middle Way’ strategy, pushing for alternative strategies, and bringing the issue of Tibetan independence to the forefront,” Tibetan journalist-theatreperson-novelist-blogger Jamyang Norbu told DNA.

There’s a “generational gap” within the Tibetan community, which could influence the course of Tibetan politics, says Norbu. “Only the older generation is clinging to the ‘Middle Way’; all the younger people, particularly those coming out of Tibet into exile, are independence-oriented.” These younger Tibetans are overwhelmingly of the view that “there isn’t any possibility of living under China with any kind of peace of dignity.”

After the current Dalai Lama’s time, these independence-minded Tibetans will emerge stronger because they represent the “intellectual strength” of the Tibetan movement, Norbu argues. He has compiled a pamphlet, to be circulated on March 10, to establish with historical documentary evidence the fact of Tibet’s independence prior to 1950, when China “invaded” Tibet.

Norbu acknowledges the challenges to the campaign for Tibetan independence, from within the Tibetan community and from international supporters of the ‘Middle Way’ approach who do not wish to antagonise China. “Tibetans are effectively fighting on two sides,” he says. “One, against China, and the other against people who claim to be ‘friends of Tibet’ but who want us to forget about Tibetan independence because it would ‘provoke’ China.”

“Whether Tibet gets independence or not, whether the demand is practical or not, is irrelevant,” says Norbu. In the same way that ‘Holocaust denial’ is today an international crime, the fact that Tibet was an independent country must not be denied, he reasons. “And just as the world supports the notion of a Palestinian nation, even though no such country existed, Tibetans’ claims to nationhood should be honoured, given the historical evidence of its independence before 1950.”

The Trigger

On March 1, 1959, an unusual invitation to attend a theatrical performance at the Chinese military headquarters outside Lhasa was extended to the Dalai Lama. The Dalai Lama initially postponed the meeting, but the date was eventually set for March 10.

On March 9, the head of the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard was visited by Chinese army officers, who insisted the Dalai Lama would not be accompanied by his traditional armed escort to the performance

Word of the invitation reached Tibetans in Lhasa, sparking fears that plans were being laid for a Chinese abduction of the Dalai Lama

On March 10, an estimated 300,000 Tibetans surrounded the Dalai Lama’s palace to prevent him from leaving or being removed. This marked the beginning of the uprising in Lhasa

The Uprising

On March 12, protesters appeared in the streets of Lhasa declaring Tibet’s independence. Barricades went up on the streets of Lhasa, and Chinese and Tibetan forces began to fortify positions within and around Lhasa in preparation for conflict. A petition of support for the armed rebels outside the city was taken up, and an appeal for assistance was made to the Indian consul

Chinese and Tibetan troops continued moving into position over the next several days, with Chinese artillery pieces being deployed within range of the Dalai Lama’s summer palace, the Norbulingka. On March 17, two artillery shells landed near the Dalai Lama’s palace, triggering his flight into exile

Open conflict began on the night of March 19, including the shelling of the Norbulingka and Lhasa’s major monasteries. Combat lasted only about two days, with Tibetan forces being outnumbered and poorly armed

The aftermath

According to the Tibetan Government in exile in Dharamsala, India, and Chinese documents recovered since 1959, an estimated 86,000 Tibetans died in the events surrounding the failed 1959 uprising

The Norbulingka palace in Lhasa was struck with an estimated 800 shells, killing an unknown number of Tibetans within and camped around the palace

Lhasa’s three major monasteries — Sera, Ganden, and Drepung — were seriously damaged by shelling, with Sera and Drepung being damaged beyond repair

Members of the Dalai Lama’s bodyguard remaining in Lhasa were disarmed and publicly executed, along with Tibetans found to be harbouring weapons in their homes

Thousands of Tibetan monks were executed or arrested, and monasteries and temples around the city were looted or destroyed