Sena-BJP lacks grip on politics of cooperatives

Four-and-a-half years of Shiv Sena-BJP rule in 1995-99 did not touch the co-operative structure of the state, which is the basis of the Congress’s strength. Not that the saffron combine did not understand the importance of the co-operative structure and the need to do something to grab it; it did not have the expertise or the strength to implement such a move.

Jayaprakash Mundada, then minister for cooperatives, prepared a document in 1997 explaining how the Sena-BJP had ‘successfully’ penetrated the cooperative movement by compelling sugar factories to recruit ‘our’ people. That document was for the party bigwigs, but it reached the media and landed in the hands of Congress politicians, making them realise the need to fight the ruling combine.

The general elections of 1995 had brought the Sena-BJP to power. The political scenario in 1995 was unusual. Riots in 1993, the Gowari deaths during demonstrations in Nagpur in 1994, and the arrogance of politicians and the bureaucracy resulted in the defeat of the Congress.

But the Sena-BJP did not attempt to root itself in the state to achieve power by destabilising the traditional base of the Congress during their opposition years or later when they were in power.

Even after the vertical split in the Congress, the Sena-BJP combine did not come to power. With a flamboyant leader like Narayan Rane at the helm of the campaign, it could not achieve the desired results in the election.

Congress politicians always took a dig at Sena-BJP leaders as they did not know agricultural practices and the lives of farmers. After realising the need to understand the agriculture of the state, Sena politicians went into rural areas and interacted with farmers.

They could catch up with issues like repayment of loans, but still remained ignorant of social problems and the farmers’ plight as the Sena leaders are basically from urban areas.
The Sena-BJP did understand the need to undertake projects like the Krishna Valley Development programme but failed to take political advantage of the scheme. Today, if somebody decides to analyse the cost-benefit ratio, it will prove to be a disaster for the combine.

Now, 10 years after Sena-BJP rule ended in the state, Maharashtra is undergoing drastic changes on all fronts. A new generation is rising on the political horizon. Industrial development is a step ahead of other states. From the beginning, Maharashtra politics was deeply embedded in the agribusiness of the state. The lives of farmers in the state are woven intricately with these cooperative institutions, which in turn play a pivotal role in state politics.

In the past couple of decades, politics in Maharashtra has been controlled and manipulated by leaders like Sharad Pawar, Vilasrao Deshmukh, Vijaysinh Mohite Patil and a few others, who know every nuance of the cooperative structure. Taking a cue from these leaders, politicians like Gopinath Munde and Nitin Gadkari of the BJP have joined the sugar cooperative bandwagon. Munde’s sugar co-operative is successful; Gadkari’s factory is still to gain ground.

Of late, Mumbai BJP leader Vinod Tawde has also ventured into sugar co-operatives. But the Shiv Sena has neither a sugar factory nor is any of its leaders involved in any such activity.

(The writer is a former journalist and keen political observer.)