How Shinzo Abe's visit will strengthen India's ties with Japan

During Abe’s visit, the two sides will ink the much-awaited treaty on transfer of defence equipment and technology, which would make way for selling of Japan’s US-2 amphibious search and rescue plane and its induction in the Indian armoury.

Discussions on nuclear energy cooperation are also expected to move forward, though not likely to be finalised during the summit. A major challenge facing the agreement is the issue of inserting a provision in the proposed treaty that should India conduct further nuclear tests, Indo-Japan nuclear energy cooperation will be suspended. The provision is over and above the technical hurdle of India not being a signatory to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT). It may be noted that Japan’s two most important allies— the US and Australia, countries with stringent anti-proliferation norms and strong anti-nuclear domestic constituency (particularly in Australia), have already inked pacts to supply nuclear energy supplies, know-how and wherewithal to India. Nevertheless, both New Delhi and Tokyo have expressed their deep commitment to work towards making nuclear energy cooperation a reality.

A look at recent developments indicates that Shinzo Abe’s Japan is getting closer to India under Narendra Modi. The two leaders not only share an excellent personal rapport, but their political inclinations also favour stronger Indo-Japan ties. Japan has been vocal about strengthening its ties with India which was evident in Abe’s 2007 proposal of a “Quadrilateral Security Dialogue” involving Japan, US, Australia and India. However, the idea could not gather momentum because of Australian reluctance, Chinese protests and Japan’s own domestic instabilities. India too did not show much resolve to go ahead with the proposal. However, with Narendra Modi at the helm of affairs, India is aggressively engaging Japan. This was substantially demonstrated with the upgrading of Indo-Japan relation to the level of 'Special Strategic Global Partnership' during Modi’s 2014 visit to the country.

That Japan has been looking at India with new enthusiasm is also mirrored in its National Security Strategy Doctrine, released in December 2013. In the doctrine, India is listed among the countries that are “primary drivers” of change in the global “balance of power”. The document identifies numerous areas, including maritime security, in which the Tokyo is willing to widen and deepen strategic ties with New Delhi. The Indian leadership has also referred to Japan as a “natural partner” for “stability and peace” in the Indo-Pacific region. However, given some inherent legal impediments on Japanese Self-Defense Forces to go for a “collective self-defense,” these statements seemed heavier in rhetoric and lighter in practicality.

Nevertheless, the situation is likely to change with the new security legislation adopted by the Abe government in September 2015 allowing the Japanese Defense Forces to exercise the right of collective self-defence and fight overseas for the first time since World War II. The legislation provides new avenues for India and Japan to undertake joint activities and strive to strengthen the strategic partnership.

Japan has adopted these security legislations to further strengthen the security alliance with the US and to complement the US “pivot to Asia” policy, which expects its allies and partners to share burdens and responsibilities for keeping the “strategic equilibrium” intact in the region. The legislation also enables the Japanese forces to provide logistical support to allies on a global scale; provide ammunition to foreign militaries (allies) and; protect the US military resources. Clearly, therefore, the legislation aims to maximise the range of activities the Japanese troops are permitted to carry out within the confines of constitutional mechanism, making the US-Japan alliance more responsible and reciprocal and get out of the image that Japan is just a free rider to the US security mechanism in Asia.

Though the new security legislations are not country specific, Japan has expressed willingness to provide assistance to its strategic partners in the event of a regional conflict. India being Japan’s “strategic partner” will certainly benefit from the provisions of the new security legislation. It would be able to rely on Japan’s defence capabilities in the event of a regional security crisis. This indicates a landmark shift in India’s relationship with Japan.

Japan has already identified various areas in the maritime security domain in the National Defense Program Guidelines to cooperate with India. The new security legislations pave the way for Japan to put those commitments into practice. Following these legislations, Japan and India may be able to complement each other in maritime security fields. It may be noted that the revised defence guidelines adopted in 2013 recognised India’s ascendance among the security players. It noted: “As a result of change in the balance of power due to the development of countries such as China and India… multi polarisation of the international community is progressing.” As regards security cooperation with India, it stated: “Japan will strengthen its relationship with India in a broad range of fields, including maritime security, through joint training and exercises as well as joint implementation of international peace cooperation activities.”

Japan’s decision to exercise the right of Collective Self Defense when ‘people’s right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness is fundamentally undermined’, is a bold and commendable move as it will help arrest the rising anxieties in the region in the context of China’s increasingly assertive posture vis-à-vis its maritime claims in the South China Sea.  Since both India and Japan depend on Sea Lanes of Communication (SLOC) for their trade and resource supplies through the Malacca Straits and the Indian Ocean, any impediment in the freedom of navigation by state or non-state actors may undermine their economic interests as maritime security is directly linked to the economic security.

It is also worth noting that the Indian Navy and Coast Guards have been safeguarding the Indian and Japanese vessels from pirate attacks and have used force to curb the piracy menace. The Indian Navy has also escorted the US, Malaysian and other ships in the past, showing its resolve and capability to carry out such activities in Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean. The Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Forces have not undertaken such activities citing legal restraints on Japanese troops in exercising the use of force. Thus, the entire India-Japan maritime cooperation, so far, has been a one-way flow of sorts with India providing security to the Japanese ships in the Indian Ocean.

The situation is poised to change now as Japan begins exercising its right of collective self-defence. Highlighting the significance of the new security legislation in dealing with the maritime challenges, Prime Minister Abe has stated that Japanese naval forces would be able to undertake anti-piracy and mine-sweeping activities from the Straits of Hormuz to Malacca Straits. These changes will provide Indian and Japan maritime forces more room for interoperability and joint patrolling of the SLOC.

In the context of institutionalising multilateral military drills, October 2015 proved to be another milestone, when it was decided that henceforth Japan will be a permanent member of India-led Malabar Exercises, which also involves the US. Before this proclamation, Japan was not a regular participant in the joint military exercises. This decision is seen as a logical outcome of the India-Japan-US trilateral meeting held in June 2015.

Closer cooperation between India and Japan is significant as India has been a strong supporter of freedom of navigation in the international waters. It is widely believed that the US is a key role player in bringing the two major Asian powers closer. Japan is arguably the last major Asian ally of the US to comprehensively engage with India. With the meeting of minds of Abe and Modi, it seems that both the sides are willing to work together in an unprecedented manner. How Tokyo further strengthens relations with potentially the fastest emerging destination of global investment and intertwines the rise of India with the resurgence of Japan remains to be seen.

Dr. Rahul Mishra is Asia Fellow at the East West Center, Washington DC. Dr. Shamshad A Khan is a Senior Researcher at Keio Research Institute, Keio University, Japan.