Govt’s mishandling of campus agitations has consolidated anti-BJP forces

The University of Hyderabad has been unstable and volatile for several months. Rohith Vemula’s suicide on January 17, 2016, was a flashpoint, which brought both the university and its politics into national focus. Several interested parties — mainstream and fringe — have tried to exploit this loss of a young life, turning it to their own political advantage. Soon, the epicentre of student agitation moved to Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi, after the arrest of Kanhaiya Kumar, the President of the Students’ Union. Again, political parties and their agents jumped into the fray, escalating the uncivil strife. The government, in the meanwhile, appears to be scoring self-goal after self-goal, unable either to restore normalcy on campuses, or significantly advance its own nationalist agenda in the process.

For radical groups this seems like a golden opportunity to widen their urban support base by both creating and capitalising on dissent and disaffection. An intelligence report submitted to the Union home ministry claims that as many as 128 organisations all over India, linked to ultra-left and Maoist groups, are currently active. Their strategy is to combine radical politics with social justice crusades, thus creating a potent cocktail that appeals to large sections of the populace, but is especially irresistible to students. 

Has the government been outplayed by such forces, which have allied with elements in mainstream politics and civil society? Government actions have attracted anger, criticism, and protest. Unleashing the repressive power of the State against unarmed citizens, especially students, has given the opposition and anti-BJP forces much greater leverage. Softness, tact, and diplomacy — skills that the present regime could have learned from its predecessor — are conspicuous by their absence. Instead, a muscular and masculine nationalism has earned the BJP a bad name all over the world.

Many in the government and its wider circle of supporters cry foul over what they see as one-sided and prejudiced reporting. But surely this is not a battle only over media coverage, perception and portrayal. It is not merely an issue of who is winning the broadcasting wars. However firm a State needs to stand against certain forms of “anti-nationalism”, can it afford to act in a way that immediately allows its critics to brand it as authoritarian, despotic, or undemocratic? 

Shouldn’t we learn from history? For any elected government, using police or military against its own students is counter-productive to the point of being perilous. Student protests in May 1968 brought down the French government of Charles De Gaulle. More than 10 million workers joined the strikes. De Gaulle himself fled from Paris. But, through a series of brilliant counter-manoeuvres, he managed to reinstate himself after an overwhelming electoral come-back following the dissolution of the national assembly. In the United States, anti-Vietnam protests and the Civil Rights movement echoed European disaffection with the state of affairs, bringing about long-lasting political and social changes.

In India too, the Naxalbari uprising began around the same time, but a year earlier in May 1967. Six or seven years later, student movements, such as the Nav Nirman Andolan in Gujarat, brought down the Chimanbhai Patel government. The Bihar movement, led by Jayaprakash Narayan, was one of the triggers for the declaration of the disastrous Emergency imposed by Indira Gandhi, followed by her subsequent defeat at the hustings. The present crises across campuses in India are, admittedly, quite different, lacking the scale or support of these earlier revolts. Yet, the mishandling will only bring the government brickbats and flak. 

All over the world, the young want change. In the United States the candidacy of Bernie Sanders, though apparently doomed, has highlighted calls for the “socialist” reorientation of the US domestic policy. Across the northern border, Justin Trudeau’s victory already represents the return of Left-Liberal politics at the helm of affairs in Canada. All over Europe, too, students tend to support socialist and left-leaning causes. No wonder, the Right-Centric and conservative Indian government, despite Narendra Modi’s enormous energy and charisma, gets so much bad press. Add to this the obnoxious intolerance of the fringe elements of the Parivar and voila! Hinduphobic Indian secularists have a field day in maligning the government.

Midway through its term, the Modi government seems on the brink of squandering its mandate. What were they elected for? Good governance, removal of corruption, and economic development. But, instead, they are embroiled in so many skirmishes on so many issues, some rather unimportant. Offering battle on multiple and, oftentimes frivolous fronts, will only weaken even the best of armies. 

It is not too late for course correction. While campuses need to be cleansed of divisive and dangerous politics, this is a long-term objective to be carried out with careful planning and determination. The more immediate need of the hour, though, is to restore normalcy and calm. This can be done through restraint, conciliation and tact. 

The Government and university administrations should use constitutional means at their disposal to settle contentious matters. Clear and transparent procedures to identify violation of rules, responsible and fair procedures by duly constituted disciplinary committees with due process for offenders to present their case, and, finally, just and timely penalties — such moves may send the right message. The targeting of entire universities or large groups of students/teachers will only consolidate the opposition.

To return to HCU, the ongoing-crisis has been many years in the making with several instances of flare-ups earlier. Poisonous and divisive campus politics will, without question, take months of corrective action and healing to rectify. Confidence-building measures and active attempts at reconciliation will only be the first steps. Eventually, the entire ecosystem will have to be reoriented away from divisive caste and ideology-based politics to academic excellence, which HCU has always been known for. 

What is required is firmness coupled with empathy. A loud and clear message that campuses must not be misused for anti-national and unconstitutional activities should go hand in hand with the commitment to preserve freedom of expression, even dissent, on campuses. India and the world must hear the message that the autonomy and integrity of universities will not be targeted or threatened even while unlawful and unauthorised activities will be curbed.

The author is a poet and a professor of English at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, Delhi