North East yearns for progress, peace

New Nagaland narrative emerges at the hustings

Life has come full circle for 93-year-old Yanphamo Humtsoe, who was an errand boy for Khodao Yanthan, one of the most respected leaders of the Naga National Council (NNC) and contemporary to Angami Zapu Phizo, who was later declared the "Father of the Naga Nation".

Humtsoe, who is no stranger to violence, finds himself a victim of political hostility. His son M Humtsoe is a Janata Dal (United) candidate from Wokha that has been declared a "sensitive" constituency due to political clashes before the Assembly elections scheduled for February 27. The JD(U) candidate was attacked by his political rivals, and even his father's home was torched recently.

Unnerved by the turn of events, Humtsoe senior recalls his memories of the early days of Naga insurgency. As a young man in his 20s, he watched the leaders of the movement from close quarters in the 1950s. His job was to carry important communication between NNC leaders. He once yearned for freedom from India. Today, his son is part of the electoral process. Like many others, cutting across generations, he wants stability, development and jobs for the youth. This is the biggest political narrative in the remote state.

Meghalaya will also go to the polls the same day. Polling in Tripura has already taken place on February 18. Results for all three states will be announced on March 3. They have only 60 seats each, but the outcome will have considerable political significance as BJP is pushing hard to add to its recent victories over Congress in India's tribal-dominated North East.

Beginning of insurgency

The origins of the Naga separatist movement trace back to 1918 with the setting up of the Naga Club in Kohima. The group put up a memorandum before the Simon Commission, demanding exclusion of Nagas from the constitutional reforms in British India. The Club gave birth to the Naga National Council (NNC) in 1946, and the demand was made for a separate sovereign entity.

On August 14, 1947, a day before India was to get Independence, NNC declared freedom. This triggered armed insurgency in the North East, demanding a Greater Nagaland or Nagalim. Phizo was arrested in 1948. He later fled to Bangladesh and then settled in London where he died in 1990.

There was a breakthrough in 1975 with the signing of the Shillong Accord by the Indian government and NNC. But with infighting within the group, some of the extremist leaders broke away and formed the Nationalist Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) on January 31, 1980. Its leaders were Isak Chisi Swu, Thuingaleng Muivah and SS Khaplang. The group was further divided into many factions. But for long, there were two divisions — NSCN (IM) led by Isak and Muivah and Khaplang's faction came to be known as NSCN (K).

Framework agreement

The Central government has been holding peace talks with NSCN (IM) since 1997, when the militant outfit became part of a ceasefire agreement. NSCN (IM) has been demanding integration of Naga-inhabited areas in Assam, Manipur and Arunachal Pradesh. But the Central government has been opposed to it.

The Narendra Modi government signed a framework agreement with it in 2015 for an early end to India's oldest insurgency.

There was resentment in the state as other groups were not part of the deal and its contours were kept secret. Now, there are seven other groups who are part of talks with former IPS officer RN Ravi, who has been appointed interlocutor to finally sign a peace accord. But very little is known about the framework agreement, and there is no clarity on it among the voters or the politicians.

Ruling Naga People's Front (NPF) president Shurhozelie Liezietsu, one of the most senior politicians in the state, says, "I believe there was an agreement not to make it public, and I don't blame them for this. There are too many political leaders, who all will be informed about these details? This is the longest political struggle in the country and we appreciate Prime Minister Narendra Modi's efforts to find a solution."

Current insurgency problem

NSCN (K), active from across the border in Myanmar, is the most potent outfit as of now. Security agencies have identified 25 camps of the insurgent group in Myanmar. The group exercises influence in the frontier district of Mon. NSCN (IM), NSCN (KN)—Kitovi Neokpao and NSCN (R)—Reformation are part of a ceasefire agreement and are confined to 13 camps across Nagaland with certain restrictions imposed. As part of the ceasefire ground rules, they cannot roam around with weapons and all their arms are put under lock and key. NSCN (IM) is allocated eight camps, NSCN (KN) is based in four and NSCN (R) has one.

Barring the abrogation of ceasefire by NSCN (K) in 2015, killing Indian Army soldiers, there have been no major instances of bloodshed. "The year 2015 was a big setback. Things had started to look better as there was no major violence in many years," says a security official in the state. Although visible peace prevails in the state, insurgent camps across the border and support from inimical elements has the potential to snowball into major trouble, sources say.

Though the situation has been improving, the state remains under constant vigil. The III Corps of the Indian Army is based in Nagaland's commercial hub and is fortified in an area called Rangapahar, away from the main town overlooking the counter-insurgency operations and responsible for securing the China border.

The infighting between the Naga groups and people questioning their claims have changed the internal dynamics of NSCN (IM) after the death of their leader Isak last year. The group's top leadership has been traditionally held by Tangkhul Nagas, who originally come from Manipur. The group was under pressure recently with a call for 'Nagas for Nagaland'. "People started questioning their authority asking who they are to talk about 'Nagas for Nagaland' since they belong to Manipur," said a security official. Khole Konyak who belongs to a local Naga tribe of East Nagaland's Mon district, has been appointed vice-chairman of NSCN (IM) after he defected from Khaplang and joined IM. This is the first time a person from Nagaland has been given a senior position in the group.

Solution before Election

There was uncertainty whether the state, also hit by inter-ethnic conflict, will go to the polls on February 27 with insurgent groups triggering a boycott call. Imkong Imchen, NPF candidate from Koridang and former home minister of Nagaland, was among the first to call for a ban. "Solution before Election was my agenda. I have not consulted my party on this matter, this is my personal view." The boycott call was propaganda by a few politicians and activist groups. "Some individuals feared losing," said an NPF worker.

Development in focus

The last four years have seen political turmoil and instability with former Chief Minister Neiphiu Rio forming the Nationalist Democratic Progressive Party (NDPP) that has now forged a pre-poll seat-sharing alliance — the first such agreement since Nagaland's formation in 1963. BJP has broken up its 15-year-old alliance with NPP and tied up with NDPP. The Central government is focusing on connecting the North East to mainland India, and opening an Asian Highway linking Nagaland to Thailand remains a distant dream.

Contrary to the previous elections that were fought solely on the issue of finding a solution to various demands of Naga insurgent groups, this time the focus is on development.

Potholed roads, poor power supply and lack of employment has left the aspiring Nagas in the lurch with the youth either moving out or taking up government jobs. "We need private sector to come in now. Only development can ensure this. People are scared to come to Nagaland. They think it's unsafe. It's not a battle zone. Things have been peaceful of late," says Alo Khing, a 24-year-old who moved to Uttar Pradesh to find a job.

Political clashes

It's not just the activities of insurgent groups that have kept the state machinery on its toes. As passions run high, clashes with political rivals take place. Mokukchung, a quiet hill town with 10 constituencies, and home to the intellectually inclined Ao tribe, is most notorious for dirty politics. Even this time, an NDPP party worker was stoned to death in Tuli. NPF workers attacked an NDPP member, his vehicle and driver, sparking tension in the area. Armed security men can be seen patrolling the streets.

In Wokha district, over the last one week, there have been brawls, arson and torching of homes. Money exchanges hands to buy votes. Anything between Rs 10,000 to Rs 1 lakh is offered per voter.

Kinship & tribe affiliation

With 16 main Naga tribes, the society is woven in a hierarchy resulting in tribal, clan, and immediate family and village affiliations. Those following the politics in the state say sometimes an entire village has voted for a particular candidate. Thephfuzho Viswentso from Kigwema village near Kohima says, "There is unity in the family when we vote. We vote for a candidate who can help the village." Choices are also influenced by a candidate's chances of becoming a minister. "Only then he helps the village," says the 36-year-old former Indian hockey player.