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ANALYSIS
St. Petersburg: The Russian Revolution of 1917 began here, when Lenin and his Bolshevik troops crashed into the winter palace on November 7. Earlier, from January 1905 to June 1907, a wave of strikes, protests, and rebellions also broke out in this historic city against the Tsarist regime. Yesterday, as I drove to the St. Petersburg State University to participate in the 3rd International Conference of Indologists, I watched Russian soldiers in the beautiful palace square rehearsing for the May 9 victory parade to mark the 73rd anniversary of Russia’s defeat of Nazi Germany in 1945. Russian casualties in World War II were the highest, with some 26 million people, both civilians and military personnel, killed, according to the Russian Academy of Sciences. Several million remain unidentified, buried in mass graves.
St. Petersburg: The Russian Revolution of 1917 began here, when Lenin and his Bolshevik troops crashed into the winter palace on November 7. Earlier, from January 1905 to June 1907, a wave of strikes, protests, and rebellions also broke out in this historic city against the Tsarist regime. Yesterday, as I drove to the St. Petersburg State University to participate in the 3rd International Conference of Indologists, I watched Russian soldiers in the beautiful palace square rehearsing for the May 9 victory parade to mark the 73rd anniversary of Russia’s defeat of Nazi Germany in 1945. Russian casualties in World War II were the highest, with some 26 million people, both civilians and military personnel, killed, according to the Russian Academy of Sciences. Several million remain unidentified, buried in mass graves.
A friend, who is a security expert attending this conference, told me that the buzz word in his discipline nowadays is “resilience” rather than “sustainability”. If that is true, Russians are probably among the most resilient people in the world. The question for us in India, however, is if Indo-Russian relations are as enduring, if not resilient. The widespread perception here is that India has neglected, if not downgraded, its relationship with Russia. And that this is a mistake that we should correct.
Let us examine this claim to see how justified it is beyond the emotional regret many old-style Soviet and Russia lovers frequently feel. Russia not only has the largest landmass of any other nation in the world, but also is so mineral- and resource-rich that, as our Ambassador Pankaj Saran said half-facetiously in his opening remarks, even Russians themselves don’t fully know the extent of their God-given gifts.
While the economically inclined never tire of reminding us that Russia accounts for barely 2 per cent of our imports despite concerted efforts of both parties to increase this figure, defence analysts are equally quick to point out that Russia remains our largest and most important supplier of arms. We need the Russians to remain fighting fit. Russia is also in our own Asiatic neighbourhood, with ties going back decades. Moreover, Russia and India have no major dispute or unresolved difference, which makes us ideal partners.
It is true that the foreign policy of large and complicated nations such as India and Russia cannot remain static. They must not only change with the times, but continuously re-calibrate themselves according to fast-evolving global and strategic scenarios. In the context of the Indo-Russian relationship, however, the key question is whether there are key underlying structural determinants, less tangible than obvious military or economic considerations. That is why the Modi Doctrine has tried to offer a new template to Indian foreign policy by emphasizing sabhyata evam sanskriti, that is civilisation and culture, along with ‘realpolitik’.
Some may call this thrust utopian or ill-advised, but when it comes to Russia we must not underestimate the value of intangibles. What is crucial to understand is that Russia, in comparison with its erstwhile rival the United States of America, functions in a uniquely distinct manner. This is not only because the Russian mentality is noticeably different from the American, but also because Russia itself, if we have even the slightest acquaintance with its literature and culture, is a deeply, some would say broodingly, spiritual and religious society. The Russian resilience, bordering almost on fatalism, comes from this profound cultural and civilisational well-spring.
American foreign policy, on the other hand, is not only more pragmatic, but sometimes driven by erroneous notions of its self-interest and downright dirty tricks. Lobbyists and special interest groups push the state to embark upon interventions disastrous to target countries and deleterious to the US economy. The way US democracy functions, seesawing between Democrats and Republicans, also makes it a less reliable, and in our case, far-off ally. But comparisons are unnecessary, if not odious. India needs robust and durable ties with not only the US and Russia, but also with China and Japan. There can be no doubt about our need for a multi-pronged, complex, and far-sighted diplomatic initiative not only to retain our position in the world order, but to scale it up given our growing economic and political clout.
That is where the idea of a relationship beyond the utilitarian as outlined by the Modi-Putin pact of 2017 comes into play. The Indo-Russian relationship is greater than our trade, commerce, military, and strategic ties. It is also deeper because it is grounded in mutual loyalty and friendship, a unique spiritual and sentimental bond, as well as bolstered by real and pragmatic mutual benefits. This to me is the takeaway from this historic city that is the cultural capital of Russia.
The author is a poet and professor at JNU. Views expressed are personal.