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Former Pak foreign minister's book 'Neither a Hawk Nor a Dove' lauds AB Vajpayee for peace initiative

It was widely believed then that only five people in Pakistan were privy to the peace process

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Kasuri gives its credit to Atal Bihari Vajpayee and his national security advisor Brajesh Mishra
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Revealing graphic details of a backchannel peace process that had almost culminated into a permanent settlement of the issue of Jammu and Kashmir, an insider and former Pakistan foreign minister Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri gives its credit to Atal Bihari Vajpayee and his national security advisor Brajesh Mishra, even though contours of settlement had taken a final shape in 2007. In his book Neither a Hawk Nor a Dove, yet to be released in India, Kasuri, however, feels surprise that in 2007, he was specifically told by the BJP leadership to go slow. "Kasuri Sahib-it was we (BJP) who were supposed to do that and we will, when we are in power next time–please go slow," former Pakistan minister quotes Brajesh Mishra telling him, during his trip to India during 2007.

Kasuri believes he has given the exact details, which were never revealed before. "I have given the background in which the peace process took place, and the context in which it happened," he said. Kasuri also mentions an interesting anecdote. President Pervez Musharraf, to his embarrassment had to read a hard-hitting speech against India at the UN General Assembly in 2005, hardly knowing what he was reading. He had no time to approve the speech. "It was drafted by our Permanent Representative Muneer Akram, a hardliner on India and handed over to Musharraf just when he stood to address. The speech was at variance with the line Pakistan had taken in 2004. This had made Indians angry and there was a considerable tension at the bilateral meeting on the sidelines. But we could not confide to Indians, what had actually transpired," he writes. 

It was widely believed then that only five people in Pakistan were privy to the peace process. Kasuri told dna that he has laid bare the details of that non-paper, generally known as 'four-point formula.' "I have gone beyond the four points. People will be able to understand what we did on the backchannel framework on Kashmir," he added. Pakistan's former foreign minister said his country had realised that peace process with India could not survive, let alone thrive, unless cross-LoC movement was not controlled. Pointing out that on its part, number of militants cross the LoC had come down substantially, Kasuri said it was expected that India will withdraw its troops initially from population centres. He said Pakistan was supposed to exert all the moral pressure it could on those who were engaged in militancy. "This was one of the most important items in the backchannel discussions on Kashmir," he says. This had to be followed by an agreement within a year over reduction of troops and the process of demilitarisation. He says, that Pakistan had launched various programmes designed to wean away those engaged in violent activities to enable them to lead a normal and peaceful life upon reintegration in society.

Also it was agreed that within one year of agreement, India and Pakistan will provide maximum self-governance in legislative, executive and judicial areas to parts of Jammu and Kashmir, under their control. Under the proposed agreement, it was also said free and fair elections on both sides would be conducted and they would be open to international observers and the media to monitor. To address to the dilemma of Pakistan on the issue of Gilgit-Baltistan, its gateway to China, backchannel spent considerable time in defining the units of Jammu and Kashmir. It was finally concluded that India and Pakistan would be free to have more than one administrative regions in the units under their control. A joint mechanism as envisioned in non-papers would consisit of specified number of elected members from each of the two units, nominated by the governments of both the sides of Jammu and Kashmir. "It was agreed that this mechanism will meet periodically—atleast twice or thrice a year. It would be entrusted with the responsibility of increasing the number of crossing points and encourage travel, trade and tourism and streamline transport services," Kasuri reveals. Under the ambit of joint mechanism, both sides would also evolve common policies for the development and water issues. The Foreign Ministers of India and Pakistan were proposed to meet once a year to monitor the progress of the agreement and would be subject to review at the expiration of 15 years. Finally the conclusion on the backchannel was to sign the Treaty of Peace, Security and Friendship after a resolution of the outstanding issues, including Jammu and Kashmir. According to Kasuri the only thing, two sides were sorting out at the beginning of 2007, when the relations went astray were the period after which the review would take place. "I have mentioned 15 years because largely a consensus had arrived at on this," he said.

Kasuri feels that unlike in the past, solution to Kashmir was in the gasp of both governments, exuding confidence that progress achieved through backchannel will not go to waste. "It is a solution, which they (governments) could sell to their respective constitutional authorities and their people on the vexed issue of Kashmir over which they had fought many wars and experienced sustained hostility since Partition," he concludes.

Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri describes contours of the agreement on Jammu and Kashmir:

1. Reducing violence: This meant controlling cross-LoC movement of militants; end to terror support structure, dismantling terror infrastructure directed towards India

2. Demilitarization: Both sides to reduce military footprints. In first place to withdraw troops from civilian areas

3. Self-Governance: Strengthening Article 370 and identical measures of self-governance on both sides of Jammu and Kashmir across LoC

4. Elections: Free and fair elections on both sides, open to the scrutiny of international observers and media

5. Defining Units of Kashmir: To address Pakistan's obsession on Gilgit-Baltistan part of Kashmir, its gateway to China, it was decided to allow countries to hold administrative control of one or two regions.

6. Joint Mechanism; Elected representatives nominated by governments would form a joint body to monitor cross LoC trade, tour, travel etc

7. Common policies towards development and water resources: This body alongwith both governments would evolve common policies towards water and development issues.

8. Setting up of monitoring and review process: Foreign ministers of two countries to meet once a year to review progress. And the agreement or settlement would come under review after 15 years.

9. Treaty of Peace, security and friendship: Both countries to sign the treaty after outstanding issues are addressed to. It will give them stakes in each other economic development.

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