Less than a fortnight after the stunning victory of AAP in the Delhi Assembly Elections, the buzz on defining priorities of the new government has gained much media air time. AAP leaders are being offered a wide range of unsolicited advice and ‘dos & don’ts’. The governance of Delhi is especially complicated as multiple authorities - the Central government, Lt Governor, NDMC, etc.- are responsible for multiple functions which are sometimes ambiguous, and many a time overlapping and conflicting. It is precisely this complexity which creates a new opportunity for demonstrating AAP’s competence in democratic governance.
The Government of Delhi is sandwiched between municipal bodies (three municipal corporations, New Delhi Municipal Committee, Cantonment Board) below its jurisdiction, and a plethora of statutory bodies (DDA for example), including various ministries of the Central government, above its jurisdiction. The push for demanding statehood for Delhi by the AAP leadership is largely driven from this reality which curtails the Delhi government’s authority. But this situation of being ‘in the middle’ is not unique in governance arrangements in Delhi. Most public authorities (including BMC in Mumbai) find themselves responsible for working within limitations of authority and jurisdictions imposed from above, and carved away from below. The challenge is to demonstrate effective governance within existing constraints, even as political negotiations are carried out to expand the boundaries.
The AAP government of Arvind Kejriwal in Delhi must come to terms with this reality quickly, and identify demonstrable areas of governance reforms in the short term as well. This is going to be especially challenging since BJP is in power both at lower and higher tiers of governance - the municipal bodies and Central government. AAP's governance mettle can be demonstrated within this set of constraints in several areas of its own jurisdiction.
One of the critical areas for attention is transport. The problem is not just of traffic jams. Multiple types of transport operators have been issued multiple types of licences, without a coordinated planning of transport in the city (and NCR) as a whole. The new government can create a 20-year perspective plan for transport in the city, and work to introduce several ‘doable’ improvements. Commuters in the city include pedestrians and cyclists, in addition to many two, three, four and more wheelers using various forms of energy. Why is it that bullock carts and tractors are visible on all roads of Delhi, but not in Mumbai? Can there be an integrated ticketing system so that all forms of public transport can be used by a single payment? The drivers of all public transports— autos, tempos, buses, trucks, etc — violate traffic rules with impunity; and yet, large numbers of these drivers have ‘fake’ licences. Surely, these things can be fixed by the AAP government to demonstrate visible improvements?
The second area of improvement can be in the administrative reforms in Delhi's administration. New efficient systems and procedures can be introduced in every aspect of the way the government functions. Government offices (which are spread all over the city) can become smart in many ways — the way space is utilised, office furniture is arranged, broken glass panes are fixed, toilets are kept sparkling clean, etc.
To begin with, procedures for tendering and contracting, including those in PWD, can be redesigned to make them efficient, fast, transparent and accountable. Several infrastructure projects, including periodic re-surfacing of different roads in the city, leave piles of construction materials (sand, mud, bricks, etc) around the place for years. These can surely be fixed?
Given that Delhi has the highest per capita income, highest literacy rate and a small, compact physical jurisdiction, it should be possible to demonstrate a modern, vibrant and cost-efficient system of administration in all aspects of the functioning of the government. By doing so, AAP can showcase a model of what efficient and accountable government agencies can deliver for all citizens.
However, governance of the above two aspects alone (transport and administration) would demand that the AAP leadership confronts many vested interests and entrenched mind-sets, not only from the rich corporate bodies but also a vast majority of citizens who voted so overwhelmingly for AAP. Meters in autos and taxis still do not work, buses stop anywhere on the road, goods carriers of all sizes are unfit to be on the road. The regular and ‘irregular’ staff in various offices of Delhi government lack competence and motivation required to perform their tasks. Will this ever change? In this sense, effective governance of Delhi will entail ‘reforming citizens’ of Delhi as well, at the political risk of ‘annoying the vote bank’.
Challenging, yes; doable, possibly?
The author is the Founder-President of Participatory Research in Asia (PRIA)