#dnaEdit: The second coming

The swearing-in of the second Aam Aadmi Party government at the Ramlila Maidan may not have possessed the novelty or the symbolism that the ceremony enjoyed in December 2013, when the party first caught the national imagination, after a stunning electoral debut. But this time around, it is not the symbolism of assuming power in a public space but the AAP’s rising national stature, the BJP’s rise and the Congress’ continued decline which made Saturday’s function a more potent signifier. It is crucial then for the AAP government to create their distinctive identity and stand apart from the rest of the elected governments of 30 other states and union territories. It is a tall order, no doubt. No government in India — except arguably the ill-fated EMS Namboodiripad government (1957-59) in Kerala which enacted the revolutionary Land Reform Ordinance and the Kerala Education Act — has orchestrated far-reaching changes in people’s lives in a short duration. If expectations are sky high, that is because of the alternative agenda put forward by the AAP. Unlike other political parties, the AAP went to the people through its Delhi Dialogue to prepare the party manifesto. No other political party has laid so much of emphasis on its party manifesto as the AAP has done. And more importantly, no other party has signalled its intention to empower the citizen as the AAP has promised to do. 

Last time around, Arvind Kejriwal behaved like a man in a hurry, fearing that the Congress would pull down his government any day. In the process, the AAP appeared to be a government taking decisions with an eye on elections, and this heightened the perceptions of chaotic functioning. The signs of a new-found maturity are evident in how AAP has handled its success. There was no triumphalism to mark the electoral sweep or the gimmickry of metro rides to the swearing-in ceremony. Even the selection of ministers has been handled well despite the process getting trickier this year with 67 MLAs and seven former ministers to choose from. The decision to keep controversial former law minister Somnath Bharti out is a fact in point. Despite no conclusive proof to establish the allegation, Bharti is under a legal cloud over his alleged misbehaviour with several African women in the Khirki village. In fact, the dropping of four ministers from the last Cabinet sends out an important message. In one stroke, Kejriwal has flattened middle-tier hierarchies that could have developed. It also sends the message — perform or perish — to the new ministers and the MLAs.

With an average age of just 42, the contrast between the AAP legislative contingent and the current Lok Sabha, which is the “oldest” ever, is also representative of how new political movements are reflective of the aspirations of the youth. In that respect, the Delhi Vidhan Sabha will resemble the first Lok Sabha which had the highest proportion of members under 40 years of age. But political movements have tended to lose their way as the Indian National Congress and the socialist and communist parties have done. The AAP government will have to keep strict vigil over its ministers, legislators and workers, and ensure it does not become just another part of the political establishment. The inability to offer a portfolio to a woman MLA, even when accommodations were made for a minority and Dalit face, is indeed regrettable. Article 239AA of the Constitution restricts Kejriwal from inducting more ministers, but he will have to do better to prove that AAP’s claims about gender equality are not mere words. The AAP must make good its ambitious promises to reform the decaying education and health systems, to introduce the anti-corruption legislation, and ensure people-friendly delivery of public services. The Arvind Kejriwal era has begun. Now is the time to make a difference for the aam aadmi and the aam aurat.