#dnaEdit: Shadow of suspicion

Despite Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s stern warning in February that his government would not tolerate attacks on minorities, the attacks on Christian institutions are refusing to die down. This is a worrying situation. It is unclear yet whether the gang-rape of a 71-year-old Catholic nun from a convent school in the Nadia district of West Bengal was a communal attack. But there are no such doubts over the demolition of an evangelist church at Hissar in Haryana. The theft of nearly Rs10 lakh from the school and reports of a personal vendetta against the nuns over the expulsion of a student have raised doubts about the motive of the crime. But the West Bengal police’s failure to make a single arrest even five days after the incident is disconcerting. The ineptitude of the police has been compounded by the availability of clear CCTV visuals of the rapists. What appears to be complicating the situation is the extremely fluid socio-political scenario in West Bengal and the shifting allegiances between criminal elements and political parties. Not surprisingly, the parties are taking potshots at each other.

Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee has predictably accused the BJP of targeting minorities in her state. The Lok Sabha, on Tuesday, witnessed the rare sight of the Congress, CPM and the BJP agreeing that the law and order situation in Bengal had worsened.

In this context, Mamata’s decision to transfer the case to the CBI is a welcome move. Merely passing the buck to the Centre will not do. She must ensure that the state police department cooperates with the CBI and shares local intelligence. Even if Mamata can afford to ignore the political opposition, the civil society protests at Ranaghat and Kolkata over the incident should and must have jolted her. For a politician who once enjoyed the support of civil society and Left-leaning groups in ousting the CPI-M from power, Mamata should surely have heeded the protesters’ sentiments. Yet, on being surrounded by agitators at Ranaghat, the Chief Minister vented her anger on them. Nevertheless, her gesture of visiting the victim starkly contrasts with that of the Haryana Chief Minister Manohar Lal Khattar, who first accused the pastor of the demolished church of luring Hindu youths with promises of brides, and then of building the church in an illegal colony. For those expecting a toning down of the anti-Christian rhetoric after PM Modi’s warning, the vitriolic statements made by VHP leaders in TV discussions — justifying the violence — can only signal more trouble.

The challenge before PM Modi is more difficult than anticipated. Making up the extreme right fringe in the Sangh Parivar, the VHP leaders, in their statements betray a shocking ignorance or disregard for historical facts and contemporary reality. The BJP political leadership has recognised that the repeated attacks on Christian churches in Delhi had hurt the party electorally during the Delhi assembly polls. But such men belonging to fringe groups are more often than not habitual offenders who get away with their hate speeches and attacks because of the prevailing culture of impunity. It is still to be seen whether Modi can rein them in and put an end to such hooliganism. What appears to have been set in motion is a low-intensity polarisation against a minority community sans the strength or the inclination to react violently. Prominent Christians like former top cop Julio Ribeiro have contrasted the current spate of attacks to the relative peace during the Vajpayee era. While Ribeiro’s worries about attempts to make India a “saffron Pakistan” may be far-fetched, it signifies a growing mistrust among Christians that needs to be quickly assuaged. PM Modi will have to evolve an alternative strategy besides making speeches or tweeting that he had sought a report on both crimes. If it makes him the VHP’s worst enemy, so be it.