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India must move boldly on defence cooperation with US

US defence secretary Leon Panetta’s visit to India was an attempt to share with New Delhi America’s priorities for the region.

India must move boldly on defence cooperation with US

US defence secretary Leon Panetta’s visit to India was an attempt to share with New Delhi America’s priorities for the region. There has been a persistent complaint that India is never consulted when the US makes major policy decisions that impinge on Indian interests. Now the US is trying hard to allay these apprehensions, as it looks to India to stabilise the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific region and to contribute more vigorously to Afghanistan’s long-term future. Panetta made it clear that Washington plans to make India integral to its wider geopolitical strategy.

The US is restructuring its defence policy to cater to the demands of the new strategic landscape in Asia. China is no longer arriving, it has already arrived. There is a new assertiveness in Beijing, leading to a growing demand in the region for greater US presence.

The US pivot to Asia-Pacific is indicative not only of a shift towards a region, but as result, away from another, in this case Europe. The US feels it should exert greater influence in the region and stop weaker nations from falling under China’s influence. It is trying to do this through bilateral engagements with traditional allies and new partners as well as multilateral engagement with regional organisations. This also makes sense economically at a time of economic decay in the US.

India should seize this moment. After all, despite being geopolitical competitors, the defence dialogue between the US and China has grown by leaps and bounds. The Indian defence ministry remains the main culprit where the defence minister, AK Anthony, has not shown any leadership or vision in managing this crucial bilateral relationship.

Compare the present stasis in New Delhi with the Chinese who are masters at balance of power politics. They had little compunction in allying with the US against the Soviet Union during the Cold War, only to emerge as one of the most powerful nations ready and willing now to challenge their erstwhile ally. And now Beijing is clearly attuned to Washington’s attempts to woo India. It is not without reason that even as Panetta was in New Delhi, the Chinese Vice Premier Li Keqiang reportedly pulled external affairs minister SM Krishna aside at the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation summit to say China and India was the real relationship of the century.

The third US-India Strategic Dialogue seems bereft of any real meaning because of policy paralysis in New Delhi. Instead of being perpetually on the defensive, India should move ahead boldly on defence cooperation with the US. It’s been seven years since the two nations signed the framework agreement for defence cooperation but the bilateral defence ties have lost momentum. India needs American military technical help for its military modernisation but that should not be an end in itself. The idea that India can keep spending huge sums on defence modernisation in the coming years needs to be junked as there is a real danger now of an economic slowdown in the Indian economy. It is also equally clear that India cannot afford to lower its guard on defence upgrade given the rapid changes in India’s neighbourhood. So, strategic defence cooperation with the US will have to be a huge priority.

From maritime security to the management of global commons, from a stable regional balance of power in the Asia-Pacific to the management of post-2014 Afghanistan, Washington and Delhi need to evolve credible institutional mechanism to sustain and enhance long term security cooperation. The US and India need to up their game in regional organisations like the ASEAN Regional Forum and the East Asian Summit so that a regional security architecture can come into being that helps in preserving regional peace. The two have, in fact, called for a new trilateral dialogue with China but China has not been very responsive so far.

The US has conceded that it does not always expect India to toe its line and recognises New Delhi’s strategic autonomy. It is for New Delhi to define clearly what ‘strategic autonomy’ actually means. The US is looking at India with a new seriousness and New Delhi should reciprocate by taking this opportunity to build a robust defence partnership with Washington.

The writer teaches at King’s College, London, and is the author of The China Syndrome


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