A show of misplaced solidarity sours ties with Colombo

On March 15, India backed a US-sponsored resolution in the UN Human Rights  Council (UNHRC) which expressed concern at “continuing reports of human rights violations, extra-judicial killings, torture and violations of the rights of freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly” in Sri Lanka.

The resolution also called on the Sri Lankan government to expeditiously carry out “an independent and credible investigation into allegations of violations of international human rights law and international humanitarian law,” with regard to deaths in 2010, during the last days of the bloody 30-year-long ethnic conflict. At the same time, the resolution welcomed work done to resettle the majority of internally displaced persons (Tamils from the North) and called for steps to promote national reconciliation. 

The very next day, Sri Lanka’s information minister Keheliya Rambukwella announced that his government would be taking over 84 oil storage tanks out of the 99 tanks in the strategically located Trincomalee Port, leaving the remaining 15 tanks there to be utilised by the Indian Oil Corporation. The message to India was clear. While Sri Lanka may have initially agreed in 1987 with India to jointly manage all 99 tanks, it was now asserting its right to manage all those oil tanks the IOC was not utilising.

The Sri Lankan decision in 1987 to jointly manage the Trincomalee facilities was in response to Indian concerns about the use of Trincomalee by navies of powers not friendly to India. The takeover of the 84 tanks is a message to India that these facilities would now be run by Sri Lanka and, if necessary, be made available to use by China’s navy, thereby expanding China’s maritime power across the Indian Ocean.

Sri Lanka knows that India was almost totally isolated in Asia, when backing the US-sponsored resolution on allegations of human-rights violations. South Korea, a US ally, was the only Asian country to back the resolution. Even Japan, a long time US ally abstained from voting. Japan appeared determined not to do anything which would facilitate a greater Chinese naval presence in the sea lanes of the Indian Ocean. All other Asian countries were obviously not going to back Western efforts to condemn and isolate a fellow Asian democracy.

Pakistan voted against the UN Resolution and China’s new President Xi Jinping is set to welcome President Rajapakse in Beijing. It is clear that in any major international forum like the ASEAN Regional Forum, BRICS, SAARC, or the Commonwealth, there is no possibility of India obtaining a consensus, or even significant support for resolutions which seek to “condemn” Sri Lanka for “war crimes” or “genocide,” as Mr Karunanidhi demands. India will only isolate itself, if it embarks on any such effort. Moreover, as India does not recognise the jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court (ICC), it is not in any position to seek any role for the ICC on alleged “war crimes” in Sri Lanka.

Carried away be the overblown propaganda of Sri Lankan Tamil expatriates from countries like the US, Canada and UK and determined to leave no stone unturned to incite and use sentiments in Tamil Nadu for political advantage in forthcoming general elections, the main political players in the State are advocating a course of action, of seeking to get Sri Lanka isolated and condemned internationally.

This is an effort avowedly to secure the establishment of a Tamil “Eeelam” (Homeland) in Northern and Eastern Sri Lanka. It ignores the reality that roughly one third of Sri Lanka’s Tamil population of 3 million are descendants of Indian workers who sought employment there during colonial rule. They live in the central and southern regions and have elected leaders who have a constructive working relationship with the Sinhala majority. They have no interest in harming themselves by demands for “Eelam”. Moreover, the Tamils are in a minority in the Eastern Province and the Muslims and Sinhalas there would never agree to their being a part of a separate “Eelam,” with a Tamil majority.

In a surcharged political atmosphere, amid overblown rhetoric, there are now calls for an economic boycott of Sri Lanka and for an Indian withdrawal from power and infrastructure projects there. Those in Tamil Nadu advocating this forget that there will be Chinese, Japanese, South Korean and ASEAN bidders ready to joyously replace us.

Further, the infrastructure projects being built by India in Sri Lanka are primarily designed to help transportation of goods and services to and from the Tamil-dominated Northern Province. Moreover, if Sri Lankans start doubting our intentions because of shrill calls for “Eelam” from Tamil Nadu, they will only further strengthen their already well equipped and battle-hardened armed forces with Chinese equipment, to counter external meddling.

It is obvious that efforts arising from political rivalries in Tamil Nadu, to internationally condemn, isolate, ostracise and subdue Sri Lanka, are doomed to fail. Worse still, such actions will only hamper and set back efforts to provide relief and rehabilitation to Sri Lankan Tamils. It is time that the realisation dawned on political parties whipping up emotions and passions on the events of 2010 that it will yield no results.

The UNHRC resolution calls on the Sri Lankan government to effectively implement the “constructive recommendations” made by the “Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission” (LLRC) that it had set up. The commission found that there had been excesses by both the Sri Lankan army and the LTTE, which deliberately and callously hid behind “civilian shields” during the last days of the conflict. The UNHRC called for credible investigations and action against those held responsible.

While pushing for implementation of the recommendations of the LLRC, New Delhi should not get distracted by domestic political compulsions. It should focus its efforts on speeding up rehabilitation and reconstruction of homes of displaced Tamils and persuading the Tamil National Alliance in Sri Lanka to join the proposed dialogue for implementing the 13th Amendment to the Sri Lankan Constitution.

Sri Lanka, in turn, will be well advised to hold elections in the North as promised in September 2013 and facilitate the establishment of an empowered provincial government there. Sri Lanka would also heal the bitter memories of the ethnic conflict by gradually withdrawing troops in the North and directing its army not to interfere or intervene in the day to day lives of the people. Most importantly, the Sri Lankan Government should show good faith in abiding by its assurances on implementing the provisions of the 13thAmendment of its Constitution on devolution of powers, which was enacted pursuant to the India-Sri Lanka Agreement of July 1987.

The writer is a former diplomat